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  • 1
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    Washington, D.C : The World Bank
    Language: English
    Pages: Online-Ressource (1 online resource (42 p.))
    Edition: Online-Ausg. World Bank E-Library Archive
    Parallel Title: Ravallion, Martin Identifying Welfare Effects from Subjective Questions
    Keywords: Bank ; Current Income ; Economic Theory and Research ; Finance and Financial Sector Development ; Financial Literacy ; Financial Support ; Future Incomes ; Household Income ; Household Incomes ; Income ; Incomes ; Inequality ; Information ; Labor Policies ; Macroeconomics and Economic Growth ; Money ; Monthly Income ; Personality Tra Personality Traits ; Population ; Poverty Diagnostics ; Poverty Impact Evaluation ; Poverty Monitoring and Analysis ; Poverty Reduction ; Psychological Traits ; Questionnaire ; Savings ; Services and Transfers to Poor ; Social Protections and Labor ; Unemployed ; Unemployment ; Welfare ; Bank ; Current Income ; Economic Theory and Research ; Finance and Financial Sector Development ; Financial Literacy ; Financial Support ; Future Incomes ; Household Income ; Household Incomes ; Income ; Incomes ; Inequality ; Information ; Labor Policies ; Macroeconomics and Economic Growth ; Money ; Monthly Income ; Personality Tra Personality Traits ; Population ; Poverty Diagnostics ; Poverty Impact Evaluation ; Poverty Monitoring and Analysis ; Poverty Reduction ; Psychological Traits ; Questionnaire ; Savings ; Services and Transfers to Poor ; Social Protections and Labor ; Unemployed ; Unemployment ; Welfare
    Abstract: March 2000 - In subjective surveys, people who become ill or lose their jobs report reduced well-being, even if they later get a job. Perhaps their exposure to uninsured risk outside the formal employment sector reduces their expectations about future income. Do potential biases cloud the inferences that can be drawn from subjective surveys? Ravallion and Lokshin argue that the welfare inferences drawn from subjective answers to questions on qualitative surveys are clouded by concerns about the structure of measurement errors and how latent psychological factors influence observed respondent characteristics. They propose a panel data model that allows more robust tests. In applying the model to high-quality panel data for Russia for 1994-96, they find that some results widely reported in past studies of subjective well-being appear to be robust but others do not. Household income, for example, is a highly significant predictor of self-rated economic welfare; per capita income is a weaker predictor. Ill health and loss of a job reduce self-reported economic welfare, but demographic effects are weak at a given current income. And the effect of unemployment is not robust. Returning to work does not restore a sense of welfare unless there is an income gain. The results imply that even transient unemployment brings the feeling of a permanent welfare loss, suggesting that high unemployment benefits do not attract people out of work but do discourage a return to work. This paper - a product of Poverty and Human Resources, Development Research Group - is part of a larger effort in the group to understand the relationship between subjective and objective economic welfare. The authors may be contacted at mravallionworldbank.org and mlokshin@worldbank.org
    URL: Volltext  (Deutschlandweit zugänglich)
    Library Location Call Number Volume/Issue/Year Availability
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  • 2
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    Washington, D.C : The World Bank
    Language: English
    Pages: Online-Ressource (1 online resource (43 p.))
    Edition: Online-Ausg. World Bank E-Library Archive
    Parallel Title: Ravallion, Martin Subjective Economic Welfare
    Keywords: Bank ; Calculation ; Consumer ; Consumers ; Demand ; Demands ; Economic Theory and Research ; Family Allowances ; Finance and Financial Sector Development ; Financial Literacy ; Health Systems Development and Reform ; Health, Nutrition and Population ; Household Income ; Household Incomes ; Income ; Incomes ; Inequality ; Inflation ; Information ; Macroeconomics and Economic Growth ; Money ; Pensioner ; Population Policies ; Poverty Diagnostics ; Poverty Lines ; Poverty Monitoring and Analysis ; Poverty Rate ; Poverty Reduction ; Property ; Rural Development ; Rural Poverty Reduction ; Services and Transfers to Poor ; Spending ; Unemployment ; Welfare ; Bank ; Calculation ; Consumer ; Consumers ; Demand ; Demands ; Economic Theory and Research ; Family Allowances ; Finance and Financial Sector Development ; Financial Literacy ; Health Systems Development and Reform ; Health, Nutrition and Population ; Household Income ; Household Incomes ; Income ; Incomes ; Inequality ; Inflation ; Information ; Macroeconomics and Economic Growth ; Money ; Pensioner ; Population Policies ; Poverty Diagnostics ; Poverty Lines ; Poverty Monitoring and Analysis ; Poverty Rate ; Poverty Reduction ; Property ; Rural Development ; Rural Poverty Reduction ; Services and Transfers to Poor ; Spending ; Unemployment ; Welfare
    Abstract: April 1999 - As conventionally measured, current household income relative to a poverty line can only partially explain how Russian adults perceive their economic welfare. Other factors include past incomes, individual incomes, household consumption, current unemployment, risk of unemployment, health status, education, and relative income in the area of residence. Paradoxically, when economists analyze a policy's impact on welfare they typically assume that people are the best judges of their own welfare, yet resist directly asking them if they are better off. Early ideas of utility were explicitly subjective, but modern economists generally ignore people's expressed views about their own welfare. Even using a broad set of conventional socioeconomic data may not reflect well people's subjective perceptions of their poverty. Ravallion and Lokshin examine the determinants of subjective economic welfare in Russia, including its relationship to conventional objective indicators. For data on subjective perceptions, they use survey responses in which respondents rate their level of welfare from poor to rich on a nine-point ladder. As an objective indicator of economic welfare, they use the most common poverty indicator in Russia today, in which household incomes are deflated by household-specific poverty lines. They find that Russian adults with higher family income per equivalent adult are less likely to place themselves on the lowest rungs of the subjective ladder and more likely to put themselves on the upper rungs. But current household income does not explain well self-reported assessments of whether someone is poor or rich. Expanding the set of variables to include incomes at different dates, expenditures, educational attainment, health status, employment, and average income in the area of residence doubles explanatory power. Healthier and better educated adults with jobs perceive themselves to be better off, controlling for income. The unemployed view their welfare as lower, even with full income replacement. Individual income matters independent of per capita household income. Relative income also matters. Living in a richer area lowers perceived economic welfare, controlling for income and other factors. This paper-a product of Poverty and Human Resources, Development Research Group-is part of a larger effort in the group to better understand the relationship between objective and subjective economic welfare. The study was funded by the Bank's Research Support Budget under the research project Policies for Poor Areas (RPO 681-39). The authors may be contacted at mravallionworldbank.org or mlokshin@worldbank.org
    URL: Volltext  (Deutschlandweit zugänglich)
    Library Location Call Number Volume/Issue/Year Availability
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